托福文章类型和思路分析(二)Analysing TOEFL Passages II : Types and Strategies

在上一期栏目中，笔者根据人们认知事物的思维习惯，将托福阅读文章大致分为四大类，即A.分类型文章（ Category），B.对比对照型文章（Compare and Contrast），C.因果型文章（Cause and Effect），D.问题和解决型文章（Problem and Solution）。同时，上期主要讨论了这四大类TOEFL阅读文章的前两类，在这一期的栏目中，笔者将继续完成后面两类的描述。

因果一词源于佛教的缘起论。在当代文学研究中，因果关系指产生一定结果的原因及其结果之间的关系。追求未知事件，了解事件发生的缘由是人类探索未知世界的本能。因此，这种认知世界的方法也是TOEFL阅读文章常见的文章结构之一。因果型文章主要叙述某个事物或者某个现象形成的原因，其文章模型为：提出事件（subject）+原因（cause）或结果（ result）。这类文章往往具有较强的逻辑性，有先后顺序或者主要与次要之分，或者就是两者之间存在着的因果关系。因果型文章，其结构清晰，主旨明确，写作脉络干净整齐。例如，在TP018的《荷兰和斯堪的纳维亚半岛的工业化进程》（Industrialization in the Netherlands and Scandinavia）文章中：

第一段提出事件荷兰及斯堪的纳维亚半岛工业化起步较晚并且缺少煤炭资源，那么找出它们能够成功实现工业化的原因十分重要。（ln view of their later start and their lack of coal undoubtedly the main reason they were not among the early industrializers-it is important to understand the sources of their success.）

第二段开始分析原因：

1.国家人口少（AII had small populations）；

2.人口受教育程度高（Considering human capital as a characteristic of the population， however， all four countries were advantaged by the large percentages of their populations who could read and

write）：

3.地理位置好 （Location was an important factor for all four countries） .；

4.政府的支持 （The political institutions of the four countries posed no

significant barriers to industrialization or economic growth） ；

5.能够适应发展，跟踪监控形势 （The key factor in the success of these countries （along with high literacy， which contributed to it） was their ability to adapt to the international division of labor determined by the early industrializers and to stake out areas of specialization in international markets for which they were especially well suited） 。

Industrialization in the Netherlands and Scandinavia

While some European countries， such as England and Germany， began to industrialize in the eighteenth century，the Netherlands and the Scandinavian countries of Denmark，Norway， and Sweden developed later. All four of these countries lagged considerably behind in the early nineteenth century. However， they industrialized rapidly in the second half of the century， especially in the last two or three decades. In view of their later start and their lack of coal-undoubtedly the main reason they were not among the early industrializers it is important to understand the sources of their success.

All had small populations. At the beginning of the nine-teenth century， Denmark and Norway had fewer than l millionpeople， while Sweden and the Netherlands had fewer than 2.5 million inhabitants. All exhibited moderate growth rates in the course of the century （Denmark the highest and Sweden the lowest）， but all more than doubled in population by 1900. Density varied greatly. The Netherlands had one of the highest population densities in Europe， whereas Norway and Sweden had the lowest Denmark was in between but closer to the Netherlands.

Considering human capital as a characteristic of the population， however， all four countries were advantaged by the large percentages of their populations who could read and write. In both 1850 and 1914， the Scandinavian countries had the highest literacy rates in Europe， or in the world， and the Netherlands was well above the European average. This fact was of enormous value in helping the national economies find their niches in the evolving currents of the international economy.

Location was an important factor for all four countries. All had immediate access to the sea， and this had important implications for a significant international resource， fish， as well as for cheap transport， merchant marines， and the shipbuilding industry. Each took advantage of these opportunities in its own way. The people of the Netherlands， with a long tradition of fisheries and mercantile shipping， had difficulty in developing good harbors suitable for steamships： eventually they did so at Rotterdam and Amsterdam， with exceptional resuIts for transit trade with Germany and central Europe and for the processing of overseas foodstuffs and raw materials （sugar，tobacco， chocolate， grain， and eventually oil）. Denmark also had an admirable commercial history， particularly with respect to traffic through the Sound （the strait separating Denmark and Sweden）. In 1857， in retum for a payment of 63 million kronor from other commercial nations， Denmark abolished the Sound toll dues the fees it had collected since 1497 for the use of the Sound. This， along with other policy shifts toward free trade，resulted in a significant increase in traffic through the Sound and in the port of Copenhagen.

The political institutions of the four countries posed no significant barriers to industrialization or economic growth. The nineteenth century passed relatively peacefully for these countries， with progressive democratization taking place in all of them. They were reasonably well governed， without notable corruption or grandiose state projects， although in all of them the government gave some aid to railways，and in Sweden the state built the main lines. As small countries dependent on foreign markets， they followed a liberal trade policy in the main， though a protectionist movement developed in Sweden. In Denmark and Sweden agricultural reforms took place gradually from the late eighteenth century through the first half of the nineteenth， resulting in a new class of peasant landowners with a definite market orientation.

The key factorin the success of these countries （along with high literacy， which contributed to.t）was their ability to adapt to the international division of labor determined by the early industrializers and to stake out areas of specialization in international markets for which they were especially well suited. This meant a great dependence on intemational commerce， which had notorious fluctuations； but it also meant high returns to those factors of production that were fortunate enough to be well placed in times of prosperity.In Sweden exports accounted for 18 percent of the national income in 1870， and in 1913， 22 percent of a much larger national income. In the early twentieth century Denmark exported 63 percent of its agricultural production： butter， pork products， and eggs. It exported 80 percent of its butter， almost all to Great Britain，where it accounted for 40 percent of British butter imports

D.问题和解决型文章（ Problem and Solution）

这类文章一开始就会提出一个问题（ Problem），这个问题的位置通常是在文章一开头或者文章背景段的末尾。紧接着，针对这个具有争议性的话题，文章会陆续提出不同的看法加以分析，然后讲述如何解决这个问题。其典型的文章思路模型是：提出问题（Problem）可能的方法/具体原因（Methods/Reasons）解决问题（Solutions）。例如，在TP01的《戏剧的起源》（The Origins of Theater）文章中：

问题是：What are the origins of theater？

紧接着，文章通过讲述了各种各样的理论来解释戏剧的起源，也就是回答之前提出的问题。

1.仪式神话起源（The most widely accepted theory，championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries， envisions theater as emerging out of myth and rituals...Stories （myths） may then grow up around a ritual...）

2.讲故事起源（Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.）

3.舞蹈起源（A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic， thythmical or gymnastic， or from imitations of animal noises and sounds.）

随后，文章又讲解了发展戏剧的四个动机。

1. 模仿天性（naturally imitative）

2.幻想的天赋（a gift for fantasy）

3.对人类问题的偏离观点（a somewhat detached view of human problems）

4. 审美情趣的出现（the emergence of the aesthetic sense.）

The Origins of Theater

In seeking to describe the origins of theater， one must rely primarily on speculation， since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory， championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries， envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development，a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes， it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces， and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires， the group repeats， refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies， or rituals.

Stories （myths） may then grow up around a ritual.Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence.Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more so phisticated， its conceptions of supematural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result， it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group's oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs， the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity， and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.

Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular，It is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being. Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative.Under this theory， relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures. Thus， the recalling of an event （a hunt， battle， or other feat） is elaborated through the narrator's pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.

A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic， thy thmical or gymnastic， or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer's skill， virtuosity， and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.

In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater， scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop，and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ntual？ Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One， set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C.， sees humans as naturally imitative-as taking pleasure in imitating persons， things， and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another， advanced in the twentieth century， suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy， through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life.Thus， fantasy or fiction （of which drama is one form） permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears， confront them， and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater， then， is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.

But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore， additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems after is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example， some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them， nevertheless， they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness.